Experts Reject Official Account of How 43
Mexican Students Were Killed
By PAULINA VILLEGAS SEPT. 6, 2015
MEXICO CITY — An
international committee of experts reviewing the case of 43 missing college
students whose disappearance last fall traumatized Mexico said Sunday that
there was no evidence to support the government’s conclusion that the students
were executed by a drug gang that then burned the bodies to ashes in a garbage
dump.
Not only did physical
evidence contradict the government’s version of what happened to the students,
but the review showed that federal police and soldiers knew that the students
were being attacked by the municipal police and failed to intervene.
The report’s
conclusions were a sharp rebuke to the government of President Enrique Peña Nieto, which had sought to put the case to
rest. Its
release could rekindle the widespread anger and incredulity that flared in the
weeks after the students vanished from Iguala in the southern state of Guerrero
last Sept. 26.
That episode helped shatter
the image that the president had worked hard to establish — as a modern young
reformer poised to turbocharge Mexico’s economy, and it thrust the nation’s
chronic afflictions of organized crime and corruption back into the public
consciousness.
“We ask the Mexican
authorities to clarify the disappearance of the students and to make a general
reassessment of the entire investigation,” said Carlos Beristain, one of the
five members of the panel appointed by the Inter-American Commission for Human
Rights, part of the Organization of American States.
“The brutal actions
shows the extent of impunity in which the state security forces acted along
with organized crime,” added Mr. Beristain, a Spaniard who has worked on many
human rights investigations in Latin America that involved disappearances.
After the report’s
release, Mr. Peña Nieto said on Twitter that he had ordered investigators to
take into account the experts’ recommendations. Mexico’s attorney
general, Arely Gómez, called the committee’s work “crucial” and added that
prosecutors would carefully analyze the findings and ponder whether to
incorporate them into the inquiry. She said that the report’s recommendation
for a second forensic investigation at the dump site would be carried out with
a new team of “high-quality and prestigious experts.” According to the
government’s account, about 100 students who attended a teachers college in the
town of Ayotzinapa went to Iguala to steal buses for transportation to a
demonstration. The authorities say that Iguala’s mayor, José Luis Abarca,
ordered his police force to subdue the students. Three students were killed by
the police. Forty-three others were taken off the buses and turned over to a
drug gang, Guerreros Unido’s, that was allied with the mayor, according to the
official account. Six weeks after the disappearance, the Mexican authorities
said that the students had been taken to a garbage dump in the neighboring town
of Cocula, killed, and cremated in a giant pyre of wood and tires doused with
gasoline.
Yet the clearest sign
that the government’s version was not true came from the dump itself, according
to the report. “The students simply were not burned in that place,” said
Francisco Cox, a Chilean lawyer and another member of the panel. The intense
heat needed to burn 43 bodies would have blackened the surrounding vegetation,
and, José Torero, a leading fire expert engaged by the panel, agreed that there
was no evidence to support the government’s scenario. The report concluded with
a strong recommendation that the Mexican authorities reconsider the entire case
based on the investigation’s “clear shortcomings” and “serious
inconsistencies.” That investigation, the report charged, took a haphazard and
improvised approach, and much of the case that resulted was based on testimony
from police officers and gang members, who later claimed that they had been
tortured. The report did not establish where the students went or even whether
they were killed. Only one body has been identified, from a bone that the
authorities said was found near the dump. The other 42 should still be
considered “disappeared,” the report’s authors said. Many other questions
remain unanswered. Recordings from C4, the communications system that
coordinates information for local, state and federal police, as well as the
army, were not available to explain critical lapses as events unfolded on Sept.
26 and in the early hours of Sept. 27. Videos from security cameras were lost,
and in one case erased. Clothing left behind by the victims was not tested
until last month. The dump and other potential crime scenes were left unguarded
for days. Human rights activists who have been following the case offered
searing assessments.
“This report provides
an utterly damning indictment of Mexico’s handling of the worst human rights
atrocity in recent memory,” said José Miguel Vivanco, the Americas director of Human Rights
Watch. “Even with the world watching and with substantial resources at hand,
the authorities proved unable or unwilling to conduct a serious investigation.”
Santiago Canton, the
executive director of RFK Partners for Human Rights at Robert F. Kennedy Center
for Justice and Human Rights, said in an interview that “lives could have been
saved and this could have been prevented.”
The report also
suggested a possible motive — something that the government had not been able
to establish with any specificity.
The region around
Iguala is a key source of heroin for the American Midwest, and evidence in a
Chicago drug case showed that traffickers use long-distance buses similar to
the ones taken that night to smuggle the drug.
One of the five buses
that the students took was not examined until months later.
The panel rejected
possible motives suggested by the authorities, including that some of the
students belonged to a rival narcotics outfit.
At a news conference on
Sunday evening, María de Jesús Tlatempa, the mother of one of the missing
students, said, “We are the victims of our own government because they lied to
us.” During the news
conference, a chant rose repeatedly: “Alive they took them, alive we want them
back.”
Villegas, Paulina. 6 Sept. 2015.
"Experts Reject Official Account of How 43 Mexican Students Were
Killed". New York Times. 7 Sept. 2015.
I feel like it's pretty shady on the
government's side, because if their conclusions don’t match up with the
evidence they're offering, then obviously there's some behind story or at least
something going on. If they're trying to hide something by covering it up
and trying to close this case, people will be forced to believe what's been
given to them so far, but since their alibis don't match up completely with the
story, it's hard to say what's going to happen. The article seems to be
targeted at the Mexican government, seeing from the way it turns all negative
comments and suspicion towards them through its words. People's lives are
important; they're not just something that can be taken away for no good reason
because they can't even be replaced, and the values of these lives don't
diminish according to their age or social status. I think the government and/or
the people involved in this case should consider that fact and rethink their
actions before doing anything more than they already have.
No comments:
Post a Comment