Uganda: Votes are counted but uncertainty rules
Tensions
and questions remain in post-election Uganda as the opposition calls for a
re-count of the ballots.
Kampala, Uganda - A group of security guards huddled around a small mobile
phone on speaker, listening closely to the radio programme discussing the
nation's political conundrum. At times they nodded in agreement, or interjected
in disagreement with the host's views on the controversy over Uganda's
recently held parliamentary and presidential polls.
President Yoweri Museveni has
won a fifth term in office, but not everyone in Kampala, the capital, is happy
with the victory of the ruler who has been in power for 30 years.
These men feel robbed.
"My heart is not OK. The
way the government treats Dr Besigye makes me think he won the election and the
Electoral Commission cheated us," said Freddy Matuwa.
"But we will mobilise and
find a new way to remove this man, Museveni, from power," he resolved.
Arresting the opposition
On at least five occasions in just
over a week Kizza Besigye, the leader of Uganda's largest opposition movement,
the Forum for Democratic Change (FDC), was placed under
"preventive arrest" in his home and in jail.
In the latest incident on Monday, February 22, the
59-year-old opposition veteran, who had been under house arrest since Friday,
was taken into police custody when he attempted to leave his home and join
supporters. Besigye had planned to march with them to the Election Commission
to demand an official tally of the results while disputing of Museveni's 60.7
percent win. He was subsequently returned to his home and placed under house
arrest again.
A security measure with its roots in colonial law
and codified in Section 24 (1) of the current Police Act, gives law enforcers
the power to arrest or detain a person if they pose a threat to themselves or
others.
According to police spokesman
Kale Kayihura, Besigye had broken several laws and posed a threat to the
public.
"He has violated Section 5 of
Public Order Management Act by calling for a procession without notifying the
police, so he has committed a crime," Kayihura explained. "The man
behaves with impunity, he wants to create violence in this city and we cannot
allow that."
Besigye, who is no stranger to
such arrests, has challenged the constitutionality of both laws
- Section 24
(1) of the current Police Act and Section 5 of Public Order Management Act -
but his efforts have yielded no results.
Local groups such as the
Ugandan Human Rights Commission strongly criticise the statutes.
Maria Burnett, a senior
researcher in the Africa division of Human Rights Watch, told Al Jazeera that
Besigye's multiple detentions were unconstitutional.
"The ongoing 'preventive'
detention of Dr Besigye is a clear violation of international human rights law
and an unconstitutional form of detention without trial or prospect of
trial," Burnett said. "The Police Act provision which is used
to justify preventive detention of the opposition leadership is misleading and
inapplicable to the factual reality."
The power of the people
The cat-and-mouse game between
police and Museveni's strongest challenger not only draws concern over the
legality of preventive custody, but also raises questions over the FDC's actual
capacity to mobilise mass protests.
While the 71-year-old Museveni
has dismissed the opposition's claims of a fraudulent win as the acts of
"demagogues and liars" seeking attention, the FDC continues to call
for an international audit of the results.
Besigye has also appealed to
the international community not to recognise the re-election of the incumbent
regime.
Yet, despite strong
international condemnation of how the opposition has been treated, some
analysts are doubtful of the FDC's ability to evoke international sanction of
the Museveni regime or stir up mass action as the police fear.
Magnus Taylor, Horn of Africa
specialist observing Uganda's polls for the International Crisis Group,
expressed scepticism over Besigye's various calls to action.
"The EU electoral
observers criticised the Election Commission's processes, but they didn't say
the election was rigged and they pretty much signed off on the results, so
nothing may come of Besigye's calls, Taylor said.
"This
could be an opportunity to get the supporters out into the streets,
however," he said. "But, with the extreme level of securitisation
evident at the moment, I don't anticipate this drawing big crowds."
One last term
Although everyday business has
resumed in Kampala, security checkpoints and armed patrols can be seen across
the capital.
Post-election, police have
twice stormed the FDC headquarters, arresting officials and seizing party
election materials. While confrontations between the opposition and the
security forces could continue long after the election period, Taylor points
out that these "tactics of frustration" are unsustainable for the
Museveni regime.
"He can continue these
tactics, but there must come a point at which a critical mass of opposition is
reached and it becomes too expensive to keep winning in this way. This was a very
expensive election and there are presumably some in the National Resistance
Movement [NRM] thinking: was it really worth it?
"This question will become
even more pertinent when 2021 rolls around and his party may have to change the
constitution if Museveni wants to stand again," he explained.
Running for a sixth term may
still be a distant possibility for Museveni, but even some of his supporters
feel this should be his last term.
Victor Basigiri is a longtime
supporter who has voted for the incumbent in every election. But even this
52-year-old tailor wants Museveni to step down in 2021.
Standing on a dusty street in
Kamwokya, a ghetto near central Kampala, Basigiri said: "I want him in charge, but I don't like what he's doing
to the opposition.
"We've
already given him the power. Museveni could be president for 35 years, but
after this term he should sit down and rest."
Marima, Tendai. “Uganda: Votes are counted but uncertainty
rules”. Feb 23, 2016. Al Jazeera. Feb 28, 2016.
Elections for a new presidential
term took place in Uganda in the past month. The author of the article seems
somewhat biased towards Dr. Kizza Besigye, a presidential candidate that faced
defeat from Museveni, because they share in the article about the opinions of
people that pity and are in favor of his running for president. As someone who
has lived in Uganda for most of their life, I’m biased towards the presidential
tolls for Museveni because I like to believe that the peace that has been kept
in Uganda will still exist, and the only way that that will work out is if
Museveni continues his new presidential term. There are a lot of fights and
arguments that are getting unsolved in many different parts of the country due
to the presidential candidate that different people groups support. I agree that Museveni has been in power for a really long time, so I agree with the statement that after this term he should "sit down and rest". I think
that the Ugandan government should work harder to hear and listen to the
peoples’ voices, and that the president should not just try to demolish his
opposing party, but rather try to work them into being his people, so that
there would be the least amount of violence and rioting possible in the country
of Uganda.
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